In 1980, when Ronald Reagan carried Ohio, he drew about 51.5 percent of the state’s vote, and Ohioans sent 23 people to the U.S. House of Representatives. Thirteen (or 57 percent) were Republicans, 10 (or 43 percent), Democrats. A few months ago, Donald Trump carried Ohio. He drew about 51.7 percent of the state’s vote, and Ohioans sent 16 people to the House. Of those 16 House members, 12 (or 75 percent) are Republicans, four (or 25 percent) are Democrats. Anyone wonder why most General Assembly Republicans (i.e., 66 of 99 state House members, 24 of 33 state Senate members) aren’t in any rush to reform how Ohio draws congressional districts? The legislature draws districts now. And it appears that Republicans don’t want good-government busybodies gumming things up. (In fairness, though, Sen. Frank LaRose, a Hudson Republican, has called for districting reform. So has state Rep. Kathleen Clyde, a Kent Democrat. Clyde and LaRose are considered likely 2018 candidates for secretary of state, Ohio’s chief election officer.)
For some Statehouse legislators, a seat in Congress inevitably seems like it’s the next rung up the career ladder. And only a saint would pass up the chance to draw himself, or herself, a congressional district.
(Footnote: If U.S. Rep. Jim Renacci, a Wadsworth Republican, runs for governor in 2018 rather than seeks re-election, consider getting out of the way if you value your life: A Republican stampede for Renacci’s seat could make Black Friday at the mall seem like a morning in church).
Not every state legislator in Columbus wants to go to Congress. But the congressional districts legislators draw can make or break other pols’ careers. That’s power. And power’s hard to surrender.
Full Article: The redistricting formulas in Ohio that serve the parties, not the people: Thomas Suddes | cleveland.com.